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Andy Hultquist http://business.und.edu/political-science-public-administration |
Robert Wood http://business.und.edu/political-science-public-administration |
Rebecca Romsdahl http://essp.und.edu |
One of the most fascinating puzzles associated with climate
change policies in the United States over the past two decades has been the
emergence of states and cities as policy leaders. In developing policy approaches to many
previous environmental concerns such as clean air and water, species
protection, and the clean-up of hazardous waste, the federal government took
the lead by establishing regulatory standards and guidelines that shaped
subsequent city and state responses.
Sub-national governments could certainly adopt their own policies that
went beyond these standards, but this tended to be atypical in practice.
Not
surprisingly, initial models for addressing global climate change also favored
a national top-down model. In this case,
the approach was based on two previous successes: the permit-based system
developed to address acid rain and the international treaty structure that was
used to address ozone depletion. In
contrast to these earlier examples however, the issue of global climate change
has become highly politicized in the United States, and this fact has
substantially limited the pursuit of the sort of Congressionally led, top-down
approach that was used for previous issues.
In this context, the emergence
of climate protection policies in states and cities is unexpected, particularly
for policies that provide few tangible co-benefits to residents. Yet a majority
of states and thousands of cities have adopted policies aimed at both
mitigating their level of greenhouse gas emissions and adapting to the impacts
of climate change that are now widely viewed as inevitable. What motivates
cities, in particular, to adopt these policies? And what characteristics
differentiate them from similar cities that do not adopt climate protection
policies?
These questions have spawned
an impressive level of academic research in recent years, but one that has
focused almost exclusively on understanding the policy choices and motivations
of large, often coastal metropolitan areas. This focus has left a gap in the
research with a number of important potential relationships that have yet to be
explored. In this article, Andy Hultquist, Robert Wood, and Rebecca Romsdahl
move the conversation forward a bit by looking at the influences shaping policy
choices in the smaller cities of the Great Plains region. Using data from their
own 2012 survey of 232 mayors in 10 states across the Great Plains region, they
find substantial variation in the number of climate protection policies in
place at the time of the survey. They then develop a model to explain this
variation as a function of three clusters of variables across two distinct time
periods.
The three clusters
of variables used in the model - the policy environment, the attitude of
government toward climate change, and the atmosphere in the community with
regard to climate change - reflect the inherent complexity of this policy
issue. Cities are not equal in their
vulnerability to the impacts of climate change, nor are they equal in the
resources they might bring to bear to combat it. They vary also in the characteristics of
their population and the level of support they receive from their state. These are examples of the factors shape the
environment within which policy choices are made.
Yet
because of the highly politicized status of climate protection policies, the
attitudes and beliefs of local policymakers and citizens also play an important
role in shaping policy choices. These
influences are captured in the model through the government and community attitudes
clusters. Each cluster includes direct
measures taken from survey responses as well as indirect measures drawn from
secondary sources.
With
regard to the policy environment and community atmosphere, the model also tests
whether changes in community characteristics during a previous time period were
significant in shaping the policies in place at the time of the survey. The rationale for looking at changes in
conditions over time comes primarily from John Kingdon’s *multiple streams*
theory of policymaking. Kingdon’s theory
argues that changes in conditions over time can trigger a “window of
opportunity” during which an alert “policy entrepreneur” can link his or her
preferred policy solution to the problem as a superior alternative to the
status quo. According to Kingdon,
changes occuring in either the “problem stream” (relating to the nature of the
problem itself) or the “political stream” (relating to the political and social
characteristics of the community) can open a window of opportunity and increase
the likelihood of policy change.
Six
measures of change are included in the policy environment cluster (population,
per capita income, population with a college degree, median age, average annual
temp, and average annual drought), with another (Percent Democrat Vote:
President) as part of the community atmosphere.
Four of the seven are statistically significant when all climate
protection policies are modeled together.
When mitigation and adaptation policies are disaggregated, two of seven
measures of change remain statistically significant for mitigation
policies, while three remain significant
for adaptation policies. The only
variable reflecting change over time to remain significant across all models
was the drought index.
Overall,
the results suggest three lessons that might inform future conversations on
climate protection policies. First, that
the factors shaping mitigation policies are substantially different from those
shaping adaptation policies. Though
these policies are often considered as two parts of the same whole, these
findings suggest that on the issue of climate protection policies,
disaggregation matters.
Second,
that leadership matters. State Climate
Action Plans, City Manager systems, and the strength of the Mayor’s personal
commitment to cities to act on their own initiative provide the largest
marginal impacts on climate protection policies in the model. Vulnerability and resources are clearly
important considerations, but commitment and leadership from policymakers would
appear to be essential.
Third,
that change matters. Changes in the physical world as well as in the
ideological composition of communities between 1990 and 2000 are shown to have
significant influence on climate policy choices in the subsequent decade. These findings support Kingdon’s notion that
change can trigger a window of opportunity, leading to policy change in a
subsequent time period. They also raise
a number of interesting questions about the necessity and role of policy
entrepreneurs that can be investigated through future research.
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