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Elizabeth Strom http://spa.usf.edu/faculty/estrom/ |
Robert J. Kerstein https://www.ut.edu/RobertKerstein/ |
You visit
Asheville, NC, perhaps, for the lovely
fall foliage along the Blue Ridge Parkway, or because you’ve read about
North Carolina’s top tourist attraction, the Biltmore
Estate. But you quickly find that
this city of 85,000 also has a growing arts district and a dynamic downtown
whose galleries, restaurants and microbreweries have earned praise as a “best
beer city”, “great
food destination,” and even “coolest city”. U.S. cities in all regions and of all sizes
have been seeking ways to turn moribund downtowns into economically vibrant and
culturally rich destinations; do Asheville’s political and economic leaders
have the “secret sauce”?
Written
by two political scientists who study urban revitalization and are also
enthusiastic Asheville visitors, this article seeks to understand the factors
that transformed a pleasant but economically stagnant regional center into a
growing destination for cultural consumption, attracting visitors and residents
from well beyond its borders. They find that the city’s history as a vacation
spot for 19th and early 20th century elites created a
strong foundation of a high quality historic built fabric that remained largely
intact as much through neglect as through historic preservation efforts. But the
well defined and historically rich downtown became a rallying point for an
emerging coalition of preservationists and independent business advocates in
the 1980s, and their efforts to revitalize the city center through planning,
support for culture and small businesses, and redevelopment of public spaces
have come to shape the politics of redevelopment in this city.
“The
Homegrown Downtown” builds on, but departs from, case studies of other cities,
where the typical cast of characters in the downtown development tale often
includes politically ambitious mayors and profit-minded corporate leaders and
real estate developers alongside, in some cases, progressive labor or
neighborhood-based alternative movements.
Asheville has a nonpartisan, at-large council and weak mayor, and lacks
any major corporate stakeholders or significant downtown landholders seeking to
shape the city center. In the place of these institutional interests,
Asheville’s downtown coalition has featured a fluid cast of small business
owners, civic leaders, philanthropists, investors, environmental activists and
artists working in and outside of local government. This coalition, which may presage the urban
development politics emerging in other cities as traditional anchor
institutions lose their centrality, is
dubbed “social entrepreneurial” in recognition of its pursuit of economic goals
alongside quality of life concerns, and its mix of strategic and opportunistic
actions. Today, however, many of
Asheville’s politically active citizens question the recent construction and
approval of several downtown hotels that they fear will transform downtown into
a more generic tourist destination and also contribute to the growing shortage
of housing units that are affordable for the city’s workforce.ity’s workforce.
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